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BP-283E THE CONSTITUTION
OF CANADA:
Prepared by: TABLE
OF CONTENTS THE CHARLOTTETOWN CONFERENCE (1864-1866) THE STATUTE OF WESTMINSTER (1931) THE FULTON FORMULA (1961) AND THE FULTON-FAVREAU FORMULA (1964) THE MOLGAT-MACGUIGAN COMMITTEE (1972) A TIME FOR ACTION AND BILL C-60 THE PEPIN-ROBARTS COMMISSION (1979) THE 1980 FEDERAL GOVERNMENT INITIATIVE THE HAYS-JOYAL COMMITTEE (1981) THE MEECH LAKE ACCORD (1987-1990) THE BEAUDOIN-EDWARDS COMMITTEE (1991)
THE CONSTITUTION OF CANADA:
The constitution of a country is a unique document that influences the validity and interpretation of all other laws. Subsection 52(1) of the Constitution Act, 1982 provides for this supremacy of the Constitution of Canada in the following terms:
As well, subsection 52(2) defines the Constitution of Canada as follows:
The Canada Act, 1982 is the Act passed by the Parliament of the United Kingdom to give effect to Canada's adoption of the Constitution Act, 1982.(1) The Acts and orders referred to are constitutional laws and orders in council passed since 1867 by the Parliament of the United Kingdom and are just as applicable to Canada as the laws and orders of a constitutional nature passed by the Parliament of Canada since that date. From Confederation on, various constitutional discussions and government reports have dealt with the constitutional amending procedure. Below is a summary of events, together with a description of the amending procedures proposed. THE CHARLOTTETOWN CONFERENCE (1864-1866) The first constitutional conferences were held even before Canada became a Dominion in 1867. Indeed, the Fathers of Confederation met first in Charlottetown in September 1864. The Constitution Act, 1867 contained no formula for amending the Constitution in Canada; consequently, only another Act by the Parliament of the United Kingdom could amend our fundamental piece of legislation. This anomaly was corrected in the Constitution Act, 1982, which includes an amending procedure whereby the Parliament of Canada and the provincial legislatures can amend the Constitution of Canada without the need for intervention by the Parliament of the United Kingdom. In 1982, by including this amending procedure in the last United Kingdom Act to amend the Constitution of Canada, our Constitution was "patriated." The amending procedure thus enshrined in the Constitution Act, 1982 will be discussed below. Several constitutional conferences were required before a domestic constitutional amending procedure was achieved. During a federal-provincial conference held in Ottawa from 3 to 10 November 1927, on the initiative of Prime Minister Mackenzie King, the issue was addressed for the first time. One topic on the agenda was a proposal by the Honourable Ernest Lapointe, Minister of Justice, for the patriation of the Constitution and the adoption of an amending procedure. The Balfour Declaration, made in the context of the Imperial Conference that had begun in 1926, was then a topical issue that quite naturally led to discussions on a domestic procedure for amending the Constitution; as a result, Mackenzie King took the opportunity to place the issue on the conference agenda. Under the proposal made by the Minister of Justice, "ordinary" amendments to the Constitution of Canada could be made if the majority of the provinces agreed, while "vital and fundamental" amendments (such as those affecting the rights of provinces, the rights of minorities or rights of nationality, language or religion) would require unanimous acceptance by the provinces. The proposal did not succeed in rallying support among the conference participants and thus became a dead letter. THE STATUTE OF WESTMINSTER (1931) The Balfour Declaration dealt with the Dominions of the British Empire and recognized their equality of status with the United Kingdom in the following terms:
The Statute of Westminster, passed in 1931 by the Parliament of the United Kingdom, also resulted from the work of the Imperial Conference that had begun in 1926. This statute recognized Canada's autonomy except for the amending procedure, which still depended on the passage of an Act by the Parliament of the United Kingdom. On 30 June 1931, following a federal-provincial conference held 7 and 8 April 1931 at Ontario's request, the House of Commons adopted a resolution (subsequently also adopted by the Senate) that was sent to the Parliament of the United Kingdom, requesting it to exclude constitutional Acts passed between 1867 and 1930 from the Statute of Westminster. The Statute of Westminster provided that the Dominions (including Canada) could then amend British Acts that still applied to their respective territories. Since there was no consensus on an amending procedure in Canada, it was appropriate to make an exception for constitutional Acts passed between 1867 and 1930. In January 1935, the House of Commons set up a Special Committee to examine the need to amend the British North America Act; in its report, this Committee said nothing about a possible amending procedure. At a new federal-provincial conference held from 9 to 13 December 1935, Prime Minister Mackenzie King presented an amending procedure proposal, which did not gain the assent of the provinces. The proposal provided that, if Parliament and at least two-thirds of the provinces representing at least 55% of the population agreed, the Constitution of Canada could be amended with respect to matters directly affecting the provinces; an opting-out provision was also included; for more fundamental matters, unanimity would be indispensable. Following this conference, a Continuing Committee on Constitutional Questions was struck; it developed an amending procedure that was never adopted. According to this procedure, the Constitution of Canada would have been amended as follows:
Under section 92(1) of the Constitution Act, 1867, each provincial legislature had the power to amend the constitution of the province, except for provisions concerning the office of Lieutenant Governor. Parliament did not enjoy a similar provision concerning the Constitution of Canada; that is, it could not by itself amend the provisions dealing exclusively with the central government and the federal institutions and affecting them only. Prime Minister Louis Saint-Laurent took steps to correct the situation; he had the Constitution amended by the Parliament of the United Kingdom to include section 91(1), which gave Parliament exclusive authority to amend the Constitution of Canada in accordance with the terms and conditions set out in that class. It should be noted that section 91(1) and section 92(1) were both repealed by and reincorporated into the Constitution Act, 1982. Fifteen years passed before another conference dealt with amending the Constitution. At this conference, held from 10 to 12 January and 25 to 28 September 1950, it was proposed that the British North America Act be analyzed and its provisions divided into six classes, as follows:
There would have been a specific amending procedure for each of these divisions. Negotiations came to a halt when it became clear that it was impossible to divide the sections into the various classes without first agreeing on the amending procedure governing each of them. Despite the many proposals made, it was impossible to reach an agreement. THE FULTON FORMULA (1961) AND THE FULTON-FAVREAU FORMULA (1964) Discussions were revived 10 years later and led, in 1961, to the "Fulton Formula," named for the Minister of Justice of the time. Under this proposal, the Constitution would have been amended as follows, (with specific cases to take precedence over more general provisions):
In order to overcome the rigidity of the unanimity clause, the proposal included the possibility of delegating the legislative power of a province to the federal government on a matter of exclusive provincial jurisdiction. Because of persistent differences of opinion, this proposal met with the same fate as the previous proposals. In 1964, the Honourable Guy Favreau, Minister of Justice, took up the Fulton proposal again and, after changing it slightly, presented a new proposal for an amending procedure. The new proposal retained the features of the Fulton Formula and added provisions granting Parliament exclusive power to make amendments to the Constitution of Canada concerning the executive government of Canada, the Senate and the House of Commons, except for:
In addition, the provinces would have been given the exclusive right to enact laws amending their respective constitutions, except for provisions concerning the office of Lieutenant Governor. At the 1964 conference, the proposed procedure received agreement in principle from all the premiers. However, Jean Lesage, Premier of Quebec, then backtracked and refused to ratify the agreement, apparently because of popular opposition to it. As well as calling into question the content of the agreement, its critics emphasized that during the review and the drafting of the amendment procedure the public had not been clearly informed of the content of the discussions or of the agreement. Discussions were revived in 1968 and several conferences were held between 1968 and 1971. At the conference held in Victoria from 14 to 16 June 1971, the premiers drew up the document known as the Victoria Charter; it constituted a major constitutional review. With regard to the amending procedure, the Victoria Charter provided that amendments to the Constitution of Canada could be made as follows:
The amending procedure also provided that a resolution for amendment not adopted by the Senate within 90 days following its adoption by the House of Commons could be replaced by a second resolution of the House of Commons. The initiative for a resolution could come from the House of Commons, the Senate or the legislatures, and each legislative body could revoke its resolution before it was proclaimed. Despite the agreement among the premiers at Victoria, the Quebec Cabinet rejected the Victoria Charter. THE MOLGAT-MACGUIGAN COMMITTEE (1972) In its report to Parliament in 1972, the Special Joint Committee of the Senate and the House of Commons on the Constitution of Canada stated that the new Constitution of Canada should adopt the procedure provided for in the Victoria Charter. In 1975, Prime Minister Trudeau launched the constitutional discussions again on the basis of the amending procedure provided for in the Victoria Charter, but he did not succeed in obtaining the assent of all the parties concerned. In 1976, the Prime Minister sent a new message to his provincial counterparts but received lukewarm responses. First, the Premier of Alberta indicated partial opposition, demanding unanimity on the expanded role and powers of the provinces. Subsequently, the Premier of British Columbia stated that he agreed with the Victoria Charter process, while the Premier of Alberta indicated that he preferred a return to the more rigid Fulton-Favreau formula. On 19 January 1977, Prime Minister Trudeau sent a letter to his provincial counterparts and included a proposed resolution addressed to the Queen, setting out the following constitutional amending procedure.
In addition, under this amendment procedure, the Senate would have had only a 90-day suspensive veto on amendments. As a result of widespread opposition, the proposal was not pursued. A TIME FOR ACTION AND BILL C-60 In June 1978, the federal government published a white paper entitled A Time for Action, in which it proposed that the Constitution of Canada be renewed in two stages. First, the federal government, after consultation with the provinces, would amend the Constitution with respect to those matters that could be altered by the federal government acting alone. Second, the federal government and the provinces would try to reach an agreement on the subjects requiring intervention by the Parliament of the United Kingdom, for example the distribution of powers. Also in 1978, the federal government published another study dealing directly with the amending procedure of the Constitution of Canada. After briefly summarizing the discussions to date on this topic, the document set out four possible procedures for amending the Constitution:
Also in 1978, the Prime Minister tabled Bill C-60, An Act amending the Constitution, in the House of Commons. Because of the opposition it raised, the bill was referred to the Supreme Court of Canada.(5) The Supreme Court concluded that the power granted to Parliament by class 1 of section 91 of the Constitution Act, 1867 concerned only matters of exclusive federal jurisdiction. Since several of the amendments proposed by Bill C-60 exceeded this limitation, the government did not pursue the bill. THE PEPIN-ROBARTS COMMISSION (1979) The Task Force on Canadian Unity tabled its report in January 1979 and recommended adoption of an amending procedure for the Constitution of Canada. The proposed amending procedure restated the proposal in the Victoria Charter. It provided that the Constitution would be amended by the passage, by majority vote, of an Act by the House of Commons and the Council of the Federation(6) and by the ratification of this Act by a Canada-wide referendum with majorities in each of the four regions constituted by the Atlantic provinces; Quebec; Ontario; and the Western provinces and the territories.(7) This procedure would have applied to the provisions of the Constitution dealing with:
In accordance with the recommendations of this report, Parliament would have been given the right to amend other sections of the Constitution except those dealing with the constitutions of the provinces, which could be amended only by the legislative assembly of the province concerned. THE 1980 FEDERAL GOVERNMENT INITIATIVE Following the referendum held in Quebec on 20 May 1980, in which a majority of persons refused to give the government of that province a mandate to negotiate sovereignty association between Quebec and the rest of Canada, discussions were revived on 9 June; the purpose was to allow the various parties concerned to reach an agreement, particularly on patriation of the Constitution and an amending procedure. In October 1980, a proposed resolution that included an amending procedure was tabled in the House of Commons; its objective was to allow the federal government to proceed unilaterally, in view of the lack of success of previous discussions. This resolution included the following mechanism as an amending procedure.
It should be noted that a resolution could be made by either of the two Houses of Parliament or a legislature, while the initiative for holding a referendum could come only from the Senate or the House of Commons. In view of the opposition to this proposal, doubts expressed about the legality of the procedure and opinions given by the courts of appeal of Quebec, Manitoba and Newfoundland, the issue went to the Supreme Court of Canada. On 28 September 1981, the Supreme Court reached a majority conclusion that the federal initiative was legal; however, it expressed reservations about its legitimacy on the ground that it would run counter to the conventions and the spirit of the federal system.(8) THE HAYS-JOYAL COMMITTEE (1981) In the meantime, the Special Joint Committee of the Senate and the House of Commons on the Constitution of Canada, chaired by Senator Harry Hays and Member of Parliament Serge Joyal, tabled its report on 13 February 1981. It recommended that the general rule of the amending procedure be that contained in the 1977 proposed resolution. However, the resolutions of the provincial legislative assemblies, if not made within 12 months of the resolutions of each of the Houses of Parliament, might be replaced by a referendum. A referendum would be considered adopted if it was approved by a national majority and a majority in the provinces from which approval resolutions were required. The idea of holding a referendum to overcome the difficulty of having resolutions adopted by the provincial legislative assemblies had been mentioned on several occasions by Prime Minister Trudeau. A new federal-provincial conference was called. Prime Minister Trudeau once again proposed a procedure similar to the one provided for in the Victoria Charter. All the provinces except Ontario and New Brunswick supported the "Vancouver formula," under which the Constitution could be amended with the agreement of two-thirds of the provinces representing at least 50% of the population. This proposal also contained a provision for opting out with full compensation. During final negotiations, however, compensation was dropped for all matters except those related to culture and language. Quebec refused to be a party to this agreement, which, after slight changes had been made, became the Constitution Act, 1982. The Constitution Act, 1982 included the adoption of the following amending procedure.
THE MEECH LAKE ACCORD (1987-1990) In a 1984 speech, the Honourable Brian Mulroney made a commitment to breathe new life into federalism and persuade the Quebec National Assembly to sign the Constitution. In 1986, Robert Bourassa's government set out the five minimum conditions to be met if Quebec were to sign the Constitution. One of these conditions was that Quebec would have a veto over the constitutional amending procedure. The Meech Lake-Langevin Accord of 30 April 1987 would have made the following amendments to the amending procedure in the Constitution Act, 1982:
For the matters referred to in (a), (d), (f) and (j), unanimity is already required by the Constitution Act, 1982; the matters referred to in (b), (c), (e), (g), (h) and (i) would have been added to them. With regard to the Supreme Court, only amendments relating to its composition require unanimity under the Constitution Act, 1982. The Meech Lake Accord had to be adopted by the two Houses of Parliament and all the provincial legislatures in order to come into force. The House of Commons adopted the Accord a first time on 25 October 1987, and a second time on 22 June 1988 in order to overcome the Senate's refusal to adopt the Accord in its entirety.(9) From 23 June 1987, the date of the Quebec National Assembly's first resolution approving the Accord, the other provinces had three years in which to approve it. In fact, only one province, Manitoba, did not adopt the Accord at some time. The Legislative Assembly of Newfoundland, which had adopted a resolution approving the Accord, later rescinded its approval by a second resolution.(10) Shortly before the three-year time limit expired, it became increasingly likely that the Accord would not be adopted by all the legislative assemblies within the time limit. Prime Minister Mulroney therefore called a new constitutional conference, which was held in early June 1990. On 9 June 1990, the first ministers signed an agreement under the terms of which the premiers of the three provinces that had still to ratify the Accord prior to 23 June 1990 (New Brunswick, Newfoundland and Manitoba) agreed to submit it to their respective legislative assemblies and to do everything possible for a decision to be made before 23 June 1990. Following this agreement, New Brunswick adopted the Accord within the time limit. The Legislative Assembly of Manitoba was unable to make a decision on the Accord; one of its members refused to give his consent to a change in that Assembly's procedure that might have enabled it to reach a decision by 23 June.(11) Since, technically, the Accord could not be adopted by the Manitoba government, the Legislative Assembly of Newfoundland decided that it would not be appropriate for it to vote on the matter. THE BEAUDOIN-EDWARDS COMMITTEE (1991) On the assumption that failure to adopt the Meech Lake Accord had been largely due to the amending procedure contained in the Constitution Act, 1982, the government proposed to Parliament that a Special Joint Committee of the Senate and the House of Commons be set up which would be responsible for holding wide-ranging consultations with Canadians and inquiring into and reporting on a procedure for amending the Constitution of Canada. After holding hearings in all parts of Canada, on 20 June 1991 the Committee produced a report in which it recommended to Parliament that the constitutional amending procedure be changed as follows.
In addition, in accordance with other recommendations, no amendment to the Constitution that would affect the rights of aboriginal people should be made without the consent of those people. Similarly, any amendment to the boundaries of the provinces or territories would require the agreement of the federal government and the provinces or territories concerned. Provinces could be created in the territories if a federal law were passed ratifying an agreement to that effect between the federal government and the territories. The report of the Beaudoin-Edwards Committee also noted that the proposed amending procedure should be adopted only as part of more comprehensive reform that would include Senate reform. As can be seen, most of the formulas proposed are variations on the Fulton-Favreau formula, based on the equality of provinces, and the Victoria Charter, based on the equality of the regions. Depending on the degree of importance attached to the provinces and their autonomy during the political ups and downs of the Canadian federation, each of these options has been promoted at one time or another. In the past, it was proposed that lack of approval by the provinces might be circumvented by having the population take part in the procedure by means of a referendum. Recently, this idea has regained popularity as a result of popular pressure for increased public participation in the process. Using a referendum in such a way, however, would itself first require an amendment to the amending formula and the consent of all provinces.
(1) Canada's first Constitution, the British North America Act, 1867, 30-31 Victoria, c 3 (UK) and the Acts amending it, were always Acts of the Parliament of the United Kingdom. The British North America Act was passed on 29 March 1867 and come into force on 1 July 1867. Since 1982, each constitutional Act has been referred to as the "Constitution Act," followed by the year of passage. Thus, the British North America Act of 1867 is now referred to as the Constitution Act, 1867. (2) This covered the office of Governor General, the offices of Lieutenant Governor; the constitution of the Privy Council; the constitution, composition and powers of the Senate, except for the representation of the provinces in the Senate; the constitution, composition and powers of the House of Commons, except for representation in the House of Commons; and the Treasury. (3) If, however, the Act dealt with matters falling into classes 13 (property and civil rights) or 16 (matters of a local or private nature in a province) of section 92 of the Constitution Act, 1867, the legislature of a province whose legislative assembly had not approved or was not deemed to have approved that Act in accordance with the provisions of this section and who had expressed its dissent in a resolution could have continued to legislate exclusively on the matters that were the subject of the Act. (4) The scope of this section was all matters falling under sections 9 (declaration of executive power in the Queen), 21 (number of Senators), 22 (representation of the provinces in the Senate), 51 and 51A (representation in the House of Commons); under subsections 4, 5, 8, 12, 14 and 15 of section 92 (legislative powers of the provinces); under section 93 and the corresponding provisions of various Acts of Union (education); and under section 133 and the corresponding provision of the Manitoba Act, 1870 (use of the English and French languages). (5) Re British North America Act and the Federal Senate (1979), 30 NR 271. (6) In accordance with the recommendations contained in the report, the Senate would have been replaced by a Council of the Federation. (7) Any province that later acquired at least 25% of the population of Canada would automatically have become a separate region. (8) Re: Resolution to Amend the Constitution, [1981] 1 SCR 753. (9) In fact, on 21 April 1988, the Senate adopted a resolution adopting the Accord after making nine amendments to it. Since, under section 47 of the Constitution Act, 1982, the Senate has only a suspensive veto of 180 days on amendments to the Constitution, the House of Commons adopted a second resolution approving the Accord in order to circumvent the Senate's refusal. (10) Subsection 46(2) of the Constitution Act, 1982 provides that a legislative assembly may revoke a prior resolution approving an agreement. (11) The rules of procedure of the Legislative Assembly of Manitoba did not allow it to make a decision on the agreement unless a notice regarding it was given a certain number of days in advance. This notice period made it impossible to hold a debate on the Accord before 23 June 1990 unless all the members of the Assembly agreed to consider the matter before the expiry of the notice period. A single member of the Assembly, Elijah Harper, refused to give his consent; this had the effect of paralysing the entire process. |