MR-112E
DEFENCE POLICY REVIEW
Prepared by Michel Rossignol
Political and Social Affairs Division
12 October 1993
Revised 4 February 1994
TABLE OF CONTENTS
INTRODUCTION
CHANGES IN THE LAST STAGES OF THE COLD WAR
POLICY
STATEMENTS
DEMANDS FOR A PUBLIC DEBATE
NEW
GOVERNMENT'S POSITION
DEFENCE POLICY REVIEW
INTRODUCTION
Like most countries, Canada has been
attempting to adjust its defence policy to the new international realities. The speed with
which the international strategic situation changed after the end of the Cold War has made
the transformation anything but smooth. This paper examines briefly the adjustments to
defence policy since 1987 and the options available for further review.
CHANGES IN THE LAST STAGES OF THE COLD WAR
The 1987 White Paper on Defence was
prepared during the mid-1980s, when the Cold War still dominated international relations.
The White Paper therefore reinforced Canada's commitments to NATO and the defence of North
America and proposed various equipment purchases to close what was perceived to be a
commitment-capability gap in Canada's military establishment. When, however, the White
Paper was finally issued, on 5 June 1987, the international strategic situation was
already evolving in a different direction from what had been anticipated.
By early 1989, the trend towards more
relaxed relations between the United States and the Soviet Union was firmly established
and most NATO countries had started reducing their military forces. Canada took similar
measures in its April 1989 federal Budget, which announced the closing of some military
bases, a 2,500-cut in military personnel, and the cancellation of some equipment projects,
such as the acquisition of nuclear-powered submarines. In all, the Department of National
Defence (DND) was to cut $2.7 billion over the next five years. Subsequently, the 1990
federal Budget placed a 5% ceiling on DND's planned expenditures for the next two years
and cut an additional 1,500 personnel. The 1991 Budget, however, added extra money for
defence because of the costs incurred by operations at Oka and in the Persian Gulf war.
POLICY STATEMENTS
The announced cuts in equipment and
personnel led some to claim that the government was setting defence policy only through
financial measures. As a result, the government undertook the preparation of a policy
statement setting out the course of post-Cold War defence policy.
In September 1991, the Statement on
Defence Policy reaffirmed Canada's traditional defence commitments: the defence of
Canada, participation in NATO, cooperation with the United States in the defence of North
America, and active involvement in United Nations peacekeeping operations. Although the
new international context had changed the way many of Canada's military roles would now be
performed, it was claimed that geography and historical links argued against any radical
changes in commitments.
Thus, while announcing the closure of CFB
Baden-Soellingen in 1994 and CFB Lahr in 1995, the 1991 statement confirmed Canada's
commitment to NATO and called for the maintenance of a task force of 1,100 personnel in
Europe. Furthermore, on the basis of reaffirming this and other commitments, the 1991
statement set out equipment acquisition plans for the next 15 years. However, in
recognition of the trend towards reduced defence spending, personnel strength was lowered
to about 76,000 and the Minister's Advisory Group on Defence Infrastructure was
established to examine the process for closing military bases.
The collapse of the Soviet Union in
December 1991 and the emergence of new independent states like Russia and the Ukraine
completed the transition from the Cold War to a more normal but still volatile system of
international relations. The new situation prompted a new policy statement, Canadian
Defence Policy, made public in April 1992 at about the same time as the 1992 federal
Budget.
While making a fuller presentation of
Canada's place in the new geopolitical situation, the 1992 statement basically reflected
the impact of the additional cuts in planned defence spending in the 1992 federal Budget.
The statement accelerated the closure of the two bases in Germany by a year, cancelled
plans to leave a task force of 1,100 personnel in Europe, and lowered personnel strength
to 75,000. The new fiscal reality also made it necessary to abandon or delay some of the
announced long-term equipment purchases; thus, the Multi-Role Combat Vehicle (MRCV) aimed
at replacing tanks was cancelled barely six months after being announced.
DEMANDS FOR A PUBLIC DEBATE
The Progressive Conservative government
adjusted defence policy to the new strategic and economic realities amid growing demands
for public debate on the direction that defence policy should take in the post-Cold War
era. A number of groups, such as Greenpeace and Project Ploughshares, joined to carry out
the Citizens' Inquiry into Peace and Security, which produced a report in March 1992 after
a series of public hearings. Prior to the elections, there were also demands in Parliament
for public debate on defence policy.
In the fall of 1993, there were basically
two schools of thought on the issue of public debate. One school advocated an independent
inquiry such as a Royal Commission, while the other favoured a study by a parliamentary
committee, perhaps the Standing Committee on National Defence and Veterans Affairs or an
expanded version of this. No matter which option is chosen, a number of issues will affect
the course of the debate.
One such issue is the process undertaken
to close or reduce military bases. In its report of June 1992, the Minister's Advisory
Group on Defence Infrastructure (MAGDI) recommended the establishment of a Review Panel on
Defence Infrastructure that would hold public hearings on the closing of bases. In the
fall of 1993, MAGDI's recommendations were still being studied but, given the growing
pressure for more cuts in defence spending, there was little doubt that the closures and
reductions would get underway soon after the general election.
While closing bases before the completion
of public debate on defence policy might be controversial, delaying the process until
after the debate would not produce savings until the late 1990s. It could take two or
three years at least to select the bases to be closed or reduced and to complete the
process. If, during that time, the equipment and operations segments of the defence budget
had to bear the brunt of budget cuts, military capabilities might already be considerably
reduced by the time the public debate ended.
There is also the difficulty of carrying
out the public debate without taking into consideration possible changes in foreign
policy; for example, there would be little point in making the military concentrate on
peacekeeping if a revised foreign policy were to greatly reduce Canada's commitment to the
United Nations and multilateralism in general. The existing military capabilities were
shaped to a large extent by Canada's foreign policy goals. Thus, while there is room for a
debate on Canada's military capabilities in the post-Cold War world, such debate must
include the implications of any changes in foreign policy.
NEW
GOVERNMENT'S POSITION
With this in mind, the new Liberal
government announced shortly after taking office in November 1993 that, as promised, there
will be a review of both defence and foreign policies. Both policies will be reviewed
simultaneously, but the basic tenets of defence policy will be shaped by the priorities
established during the review of foreign policy.
One of the first steps in the review of
foreign policy will be a conference in March 1994 in Ottawa, the National Forum on
Canada's International Relations, which will involve about 100 prominent Canadians
interested in international issues. The National Forum will help launch the review of
foreign policy by the Standing Committee of the House of Commons on Foreign Affairs and
International Trade. At the same time, the Standing Committee of the House of Commons on
National Defence and Veterans Affairs will review defence policy. At some point, the two
committees may hold joint meetings, possibly producing a joint report.
According to an article by the Minister of
Foreign Affairs in the Fall 1993 issue of Canadian Foreign Policy and other
statements, the National Forum, debates in the House of Commons, and the studies by
Parliamentary Committees will be part of a process which will also include input from
departmental officials and various experts. With this process, the government will
formulate a policy which in the case of defence policy will possibly be announced in
January 1995. The review process, however, is slated to be an annual event. For example,
the government currently intends to hold a National Forum on Canada's International
Relations every year.
By reviewing every year the basic tenets
of defence policy and the international situation which shapes them, the government hopes
to establish clear and up-to-date priorities which will then facilitate the allocation of
resources and decisions on equipment purchases. The government, however, is faced with the
problem of making decisions on equipment purchases and on the defence budget in general
before the public review process really gets underway. The decision by the government to
close a number of bases in early 1994 is said to be necessary because of the national
deficit problem and the new government's commitment to cut $1.6 billion in defence
spending over the next four years.
In some statements in the news media, the
Minister of National Defence has stated that the public review of defence policy will
concentrate on the basic tenets, leaving decisions on details such as the purchase or
phasing-out of equipment to the military once these have been established. The credibility
of the review, however, might be damaged if there is a perception within the public that
the basic tenets of defence policy will be shaped more by cuts in equipment and
infrastructure announced in the 1994 Federal Budget than by the foreign and security
policies produced by the public process.
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